Emmeline Pankhurst
WHY WE ARE MILITANT
Agitation in Great
Britain for woman suffrage reached a peak during the turbulent years of parliamentary reform, 1909-1911. Under the leadership of Emmeline
Pankhurst (1858-1928) and her daughter Christabel, women engaged in demonstrations, disrupted political meetings, and when dragged off to
jail, resorted to passive resistance and hunger strikes. Some hunger strikers were subjected to the cruelty of force feeding. In 1913 Emmeline Pankhurst carried her appeal to the United States, where she delivered the speech that follows.
I
know that
in your minds there are questions like these; you are saying, "Woman Suffrage is sure to come; the emancipation of humanity is an evolutionary process, and
how is it
that some women, instead of trusting to that evolution, instead of educating the masses of people of their country, instead of educating their own sex to prepare them for citizenship, how is it that these militant women are
using violence and upsetting the business arrangements of the country in their undue impatience to attain their end?"
Let me try to explain to you the situation ....
The extensions of the franchise to the men of my country have been
preceded by very
great violence, by something like a revolution, by something like civil war. In 1832, you
know we were on the
edge of a civil war and on the edge of revolution, and it was at the point of the sword-no, not at the point of the swordit was after the practice of arson on
so large a scale that
half the city of Bristol was burned down in a single night, it was because more and
greater violence and arson were feared
that the Reform Bill of 1832 [which gave the vote to the
middle class}was allowed to pass into law.
In 1867, ... rioting went on all over the country, and as the result of that rioting, as the result
of that unrest, ... as a result of
the fear of more rioting and violence the Reform Act of 1867 [which gave workers the vote} was put upon the
statute books.
In 1884 ... rioting was threatened and feared, and so the agricultural labourers got the vote.
Meanwhile, during the '80's,
women, like men, were asking for the franchise. Appeals,
larger and more numerous than for any other reform,
were presented in support of Woman's Suffrage. Meetings
of the great corporations [group
of principal officials in a town or city government}, great
town councils, and city councils, passed
resolutions asking that women should have the vote.
More meetings were held, and larger, for Woman Suffrage than were held for votes for men,
and yet the women did not get it. Men
got the vote because they were and would be violent. The women did not get it
because they were constitutional and law-abiding ....
I believed, as many women still in England believe, that women
could get their way in some mysterious manner, by purely peaceful methods. We
have been so accustomed, we women, to accept one standard for men and another
standard for women, that we have even applied that variation of standard to the
injury of our political welfare.
Having had better opportunities of education, and having had
some training in politics, having in political life come so near to the "superior"
being as to see that he was not altogether such a fount of wisdom as they had
supposed, that he had his human weaknesses as we had, the twentieth
century women began to say to themselves, "Is it not time, since
our methods have failed and the men's have succeeded, that we should take a
leaf out of their political book?"...
Well, we in Great Britain, on the eve of the General Election of
1905, a mere handful of us-why, you could almost count us on the fingers of
both hands-set out on the wonderful adventure of forcing the strongest
Government of modern times to give the women the vote....
The Suffrage movement was almost dead.
The women had lost heart. You
could not get a Suffrage meeting that was attended by members of the general
public. ...
Two women changed that in a twinkling of an eye at a great
Liberal demonstration in Manchester, where a Liberal leader, Sir Edward Grey,
was explaining the programme to be carried out
during the Liberals' next turn of office. The
two women put the fateful question, "When
are you going to give votes to women?" and
refused to sit down until they had been answered. These two women were sent to
gaol, and from that day to this
the women's movement, both militant and constitutional, has never looked
back. We had little more than one moribund society for Woman Suffrage
in those days. Now we have nearly 50 societies for Woman Suffrage, and they are
large in membership, they are rich in money, and their ranks are swelling
every day that passes. That is how militancy has put back the clock of Woman Suffrage
in Great Britain ....
I want to say here and now that the only justification for
violence, the only justification for damage to property, the only justification
for risk to the comfort of other human beings is the fact that you have tried
all other available means and have failed to secure justice, and as a
law-abiding person-and I am by nature a law-abiding person, as one hating
violence, hating disorder-I want to say that from the moment we began our
militant agitation to this day I have felt absolutely guiltless in this matter.
I tell you that in Great Britain there is no other way....
Well, I say the time is long past when it became necessary for
women to revolt in order to maintain their self respect
in Great Britain. The women who are waging this war are women who would fight, if
it were only for the idea of liberty-if it were only that they might be free
citizens of a free country-I myself would fight for that idea alone. But we
have, in addition to this love of freedom, intolerable grievances to redress....
Those grievances are so pressing that, so far from it being a
duty to be patient and to wait for evolution, in thinking of those grievances the
idea of patience is intolerable. We feel that patience is something akin to
crime when our patience involves continued suffering on the part of the
oppressed.
We are fighting to get the power to alter bad laws; but some
people say to us, "Go to the representatives in the House of Commons,
point out to them that these laws are bad, and you will find them quite ready
to alter them."
Ladies and gentlemen, there are women in my country who have spent
long and useful lives trying to get reforms, and because of their vote-less
condition, they are unable even to get the ear of Members of Parliament, much
less are they able to secure those reforms.
Our marriage and divorce laws are a disgrace to civilisation. I
sometimes wonder, looking back from the serenity of past middle age, at the
courage of women. I wonder that women have the courage to take upon themselves the
responsibilities of marriage and motherhood when I see how little
protection the law of my country affords them. I wonder that a woman will face
the ordeal of childbirth with the knowledge that after she has risked her life
to bring a child into the world she has absolutely no parental rights over the
future of that child. Think what trust women have in men when a woman will
marry a man, knowing, if she has knowledge of the law, that if that man is not all
she in her love for him thinks him, he may even bring a strange woman into the house,
bring his mistress into the house to live with her, and she cannot get legal
relief from such a marriage as that ....
... [W]e realise how political power, how political influence,
which would enable us to get better laws, would
make it possible for thousands upon thousands of unhappy
women to live happier lives....
Take the industrial side
of the question: have men's wages for a hard day's work ever been so low and
inadequate as are women's wages today? Have men ever had to
suffer from the laws, more injustice than women suffer? Is there a single
reason which men have had for demanding liberty that
does not also apply to women?
Why, if you were talking to the men of any other nation
you would not hesitate to reply in the affirmative. There is not a man in this
meeting who has not felt sympathy with the uprising of the men of other lands
when suffering from intolerable tyranny, when deprived of all representative
rights. You are full of sympathy with men in Russia. You are full of sympathy
with nations that rise against the domination of the Turk. You are full of
sympathy with all struggling people striving for independence. How
is it, then, that some of you have nothing but ridicule and contempt and
{condemnation} for women who are fighting for exactly the same thing?
All my life I have tried to understand why it is that men who
value their citizenship as their dearest possession seem to think citizenship
ridiculous when it is to be applied to the women of their race. And I find an
explanation, and it is the only one I can think of. It came to me when I was in
a prison cell, remembering how I had seen men laugh at the idea of women going
to prison. Why they would confess they could not bear a cell door to be shut
upon themselves for a single hour without asking to be let out. A thought came
to me in my prison cell, and it was this: that
to men women are not human beings like themselves. Some men think we are superhuman;
they put us on pedestals; they revere us; they think we are too fine and too delicate
to come down into the hurly-burly of life. Other men think us sub-human;
they think we are a strange species unfortunately having to exist
for the perperuation of the race. They think that we
are fit for drudgery, but that in some strange way our minds are not like
theirs, our love for great things is not like theirs, and so we are a sort of
subhuman species.
We are neither superhuman nor are we subhuman. We are just human
beings like yourselves.
Our hearts burn within us when we read the great
mottoes which celebrate the liberty of your country; when we go to France and
we read the words, liberty, fraternity
and equality, don't you think that we appreciate the meaning of
those words? And then when we wake to the knowledge
that these things are not for us, they are
only for our brothers, then there comes a
sense of bitterness into the hearts
of some women, and they say to themselves,
"Will men never understand?" But
so far as we in England are concerned, we have come to the conclusion that we are not going to leave men any illusions upon the question.
When we were patient, when we believed in argument and persuasion, they said, "You don't really want it because, if you did, you would do something unmistakable to show you were determined to have it." And then when we did something unmistakable they said, "You are behaving so badly that you show
you are not fit for it."
Now, gentlemen, in your heart of hearts you do not believe
that. You know perfectly well that
there never was a thing worth having that was not worth fighting for. You
know perfectly well that if the situation were reversed, if
you had no constitutional rights and we had all of them, if you had the duty of paying and obeying and trying to look as pleasant, and we were the proud citizens who could decide our fate
and yours, because we knew what was good for you better than you
knew yourselves, you know perfectly well that you wouldn't stand it for a single day,
and you would be perfectly justified
in rebelling against such intolerable conditions.